2014年1月30日 星期四

Maya

Once considered an unsolvable enigma, recent advances in the decipherment of the Maya writing system has not only shed light on the mechanics of the script, but also on the socio-political, artistic, and historical aspects of Maya civilization.
As a whole, the Maya people created the longest lasting civilization of the New World. It became distinguishable from other early farming cultures of Mesoamerica in the middle of the first millenium BCE, when the first great Maya cities were constructed. Their culture endured through changes, wars, and disasters until it was suppressed by the Spanish conquest in the 16th and 17th centuries. The last indepedent Maya kingdom of Tayasal, fell as late as 1697. However, the Maya survived and there is estimated to be at least one million Mayas living in Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras today.
General Overview
The Maya hieroglypic writing is arguably one of the most visually striking writing systems of the world. It is also very complex, with hundreds of unique signs or glyphs in the form of humans, animals, supernaturals, objects, and abstract designs. These signs are either logograms (to express meaning) or syllabograms (to denote sound values), and are used to write words, phrases, and sentences. In fact, the Maya can write anything that they can say.
While we're on the subject of what the Maya could "say", let's talk about Maya languages. The "Maya" in general were actually not a single people but many nations with different, but related, cultures, religions, and languages. Of the many Maya languages, only two (possibly three) were written down with the hieroglyphic system. It is thought that speakers of the Ch'olan language, and possibly also those of the Tzeltalan language, were the inventors of the Maya writing system. Another group, the speakers of Yucatec, adopted the script to write their own language. However, in some places, both languages were represented on hieroglyphic inscriptions, which not only stumped archaeologists for many years but also offered tantalizing clues into how Maya languages have interacted.
The visual construction of Maya glyphs is very interesting. At first inspection, the glyphs appear to be very intricate squares laid out in a gridlike pattern. In fact, each square is a glyph block that actually contain one to five glyphs, often forming a word or even a phrase.
The order to read Maya glyphs is also not as straightforward as it would seem. Since glyph blocks are arranged in a grid, one would think that the reading order is either in rows or columns. In reality, Maya glyphs are read in "paired columns", meaning that the first glyph block is on the top left, the second is immediately to the right of the first, the third is under the first, the fourth under the second, and so forth. This yields a zigzagging reading order. When you arrive at the bottom of this "paired column", you will then go back up to the top and start the next paired column. In fact, scholars label glyph block horizontally with letters (A, B, C) and vertically with numbers (1, 2, 3). Hence, the reading order would be A1, B1, A2, B2, etc, until you hit the bottom. Then you start at C1, D1, C2, D2, etc.
Numbers and Calendar
There were several classes of glyphs in the Maya writing system. The first class is the numeric glyphs. Like us, the Maya wrote their numbers in positional notation. This mouthful of words means that the position of a "digit" dictates its actual numerical value. For example, the digit "7" means seven if its position is at the end of a number, but if it is one position before the end, then it stands for seventy. And if it is two positions before the end, then it is seven hundred. Mathematically, you will see that digit is multiplied by the "base" of 10 raised to the position of the digit:
700 = 7 x 102
70 = 7 x 101
7 = 7 x 100
Likewise, among the Maya, the position of a "digit" also determines the actual value of the digit. However, unlike our system, which is based on powers of 10, the Maya (and Mesoamericans in general) used powers of 20. Also, unlike our system, which has an individual symbol for each digit (0, 1, 2, 3, ...), the Maya only employed three basic symbols: A dot for a value of "one", a bar for a value of "five", and a shell for the value "zero". Arithmetic combinations of these yield "digits" from zero to nineteen. For example, four is represented as four dots, seven is a bar and two dots, and nineteen is three bars and four dots as3 x 5 + 4 x 1 = 19. Numbers larger than 20 are written via positional notation, like the following example:
Closely allied to the number system of the Maya is their incredibly intricate calendar system. The Maya time-keeping involved several interlocking cycles, some of which tracked astronomical events while others seemingly followed abstract time intervals.
Similar to other Mesoamerican cultures, the Maya employed a 365-day solar calendar (jaab') and a 260-day ritual cycle (tzolk'in). The jaab' is divided into 18 "months" of 20 days, plus 5 "unlucky" days at the end called wayeb'. The following chart illustrates the signs of jaab' solar calendar.
Like the Western calendar, the days in a month are identified by numbers, but the first day of the month is zero instead of one as in the Western calendar. So for example, the first day of the month Pop is 0 Pop, although in writing the "zero" is written with the glyph that means "seating" rather than the conch shell. Therefore, the first day of the month is metaphorically called the "seating of" the month.
The second cycle, the tzolk'in, is not divided into months but contains two parallel cycles, one of 13 and the other of 20. The cycle of 13 are identified by numbers, but the cycle of 20 has days with names.
And the following are the signs of the tzolk'in ritual cycle.
The keeping of the tzolk'in is still practiced among modern Maya, especially by Maya nations of highland Guatemala such as the Quiché or the Kakchiquel. The practioners are called "daykeepers", are open to both genders, and they also serve functions such as diviners, midwives, and bonesetters.
The Maya also combined jaab' and tzolk'in into a single 52-year cycle called the Calendar Round. By running the two cycles in parallel, a date such as 12 Chikchan 18 Sak will not be come around again for exactly 52 years. Mathematically, this can be computed by finding the least common multiple (the smallest number divisible by both 260 and 365), which happens to be 18980 days or 52 years.
The Calendar Round was widespread not only among the Maya but also among other Mesoamerican cultures too like #a @aztec#, #a @mixtec#, and #a @zapotec#.
At a level even greater than the Calendar Round is the Long Count, an immensely long system of five increasingly larger cycles that ultimately measures a time period of over 5,000 years. Like the modern Western calendar which uses three numbers to denote three time units (year, month, and day), the Long Count used five numbers to represent five time units. The smallest unit of the Long Count is a day, calledk'in. The passage of twenty k'ins (days) makes up one winal, the next higher unit. Eighteen winals yields one tun, which is 360 days, thus roughly equal to one year. Twenty tuns makes up one k'atun, which is about 19 years and 8 months. And finally, the largest conventional unit is the baktun, which is twentyk'atuns, 400 tuns, or about 394 years and 6 months. It appears that the maximum number that the baktunsunit can arrive is thirteen. Unlike the modern calendar, the smallest number for an unit is not one (such as 1/1 or 1st of January) but zero instead. In other words, a k'in starts at 0 and increments as high as 19 before going back to 0 again.
For convenience, instead of writing each number and unit name in a Long Count date, archaeologists have devised a system of writing just the numbers separated by dots starting with the largest unit. For example, 9 baktun, 3 k'atun, 17 tun, 8 winal, and 11 k'in is written as 9.3.17.8.11.
The presence of the Long Count on ancient monuments has helped archaeologists date them to our calendar (which is called the Gregorian Calendar). This was made possible by the computation of thecorrelation between the Long Count and the Gregorian calendar. While many different correlations exist, the most accepted one states that the Long Count date 0.0.0.0.0 was the Gregorian date August 11, 3114 BCE.
The Long Count is always accompanied by the Calendar Round (both tzolk'in and jaab) when identifying a date on a monument. Sometimes other astronomical cycles such as the Lunar Cycle and the Venus Cycle are also included in the block of dates. Because these dates always appear at the beginning of an inscription, together these dates are called the Initial Series. Because of the mathematical consistencies between these different cycles, often it is possible to reconstruct any missing date using the remaining ones.
The following tool demonstrates conversion between the Gregorian Calendar and an Initial Series that contains the Long Count and the Calendar Round.
   
 baktun katun
 tun winal
 kin
Syllabary
The Maya writing system had an extensive set of phonetic signs that represented syllables rather than individual sounds like in alphabetic systems. The following is a subset of signs in the syllabary:
Note that Roman transliteration of Maya consonants follows 16th century Spanish orthography. This means that the letter "j" is pronounced like a rough /h/. The letter "x" represents the sound /&\#x0161;/ (like the "sh" in "ship"). And the combination "tz" is the sound /ts/ like in "catsup".
The consonants followed by apostrophes are the "glottalized" versions of the plain consonants. A glottalized consonant is pronounced like a normal consonant, but immediately before the vowel is pronounced, the larynx is constricted (as if to pronounce a glottal stop) to produce a somewhat explosive sound.
The syllabic structure of the Maya language allows an ending consonant in a syllable. In fact, the "root" or most basic form of Maya words consists of a consonant, a vowel, and a consonant (CVC). In order to "spell" a word of this form, the Maya scribes used two syllabic signs. The first sign contains the beginning consonant and the vowel of the syllable. The second sign represents the ending consonant, and the vowel of this second sign is omitted by convention during reading. Most frequently the vowel of the second sign is equal to the vowel of the first sign. This is called the rule of synharmony by epigraphers.
In Maya languages, vowels can also be complex, meaning that they can be long, glottalized (followed a glottal stop), or aspirated (followed by the /h/ sound). To represent these complex vowels, the rule of disharmony is applied where the second sign representing the ending consonant contains a vowel that is dissimilar to the vowel in the first sign. For example, the word baak ('captive') is spelled as ba-ki where the "i" is omitted from the reading but tells us that the "a" in ba is complex.
In the following example, the top row illustrates the principle of synharmony, whereas the bottom row illustrates the principle of disharmony.
Logograms
In addition to syllabic signs, the Maya script also has a large number of logograms, signs that represent words or morphemes (basic units of meaning) in the language instead of sounds. The following are a few of the logograms.
With such a rich inventory of signs, both logographic and syllabic, the ancient Maya scribe combined them in bewildering ways for both functional and aesthetic purposes. Scribes could and did write the same word in multiple ways. Sometimes only logograms were used. Other times just phonetic signs were employed. And sometimes logograms are accompanied by phonetic complements, phonetic signs that serve to clarify the reading of the logogram by either spelling out the beginning or ending sound of the word. In the following example, you see two words, namely pakal 'shield' and witz 'mountain' spelled in several different ways, purely logographic, logographic with phonetic complements, and purely phonetic. Also notice how the phonetic complements can occur before the logogram (such as wi-WITZ) and after it (as in PAKAL-l(a)).
One reason for the use of phonetic complements is that a sign can have multiple functions, a phenomenon called polyvalency. For example, there were two words for 'jaguar' in Maya, namely balam and jix, but the same logogram is used for both. To remove ambiguity, when the logogram is meant to be read as balam, either the phonetic sign ba is placed in front of it or ma is placed after it. In contrast, ji is placed before the logogram if it is meant to be read as jix.
It is also possible that a glyph can function as both logogram and phonetic sign. For instance, the phonetic sign ku is also the logogram TUUN and the calendrical sign for the tzolk'in day Kawak. In this case, the logogram TUUN is usually followed by the phonetic complement ni to indicate its reading. The Kawak sign would also be easily distinguished because of numeric sign before it and its location in a Calendar Round or Long Count block.
Also note that the rules of synharmony and disharmony also apply to phonetic complements. If the logogram's vowel is short, then the rule of synharmony is used (such as BALAM-m(a)), but if the vowel is long or aspirated, then the rule of disharmony is used (as in TUUN-n(i)).
Phonetic signs are also combined with logograms to write prefixes and suffixes that conjugate or derive new words from the original roots represented by logograms. Most often suffixes are used with verbs to denote different persons, numbers, tenses, and other verbal aspects.
Of course, verbs can also be written completely phonetically, as illustrated in the following example:
In essence, the number of ways signs can be combined in Maya writing is absolutely staggering, which ancient scribes exploited for aesthetics and personal whim as much as tradition and convention.
Origin of Maya Writing
The prevalent thought about the origin of Maya writing is that it grew out of an even more ancient writing system developed by the Olmecs as early as 1000 BCE, at a time period called the Preclassic by archaeologists. Only fragmentary evidence for this writing system existed until the announcement in 2006 of the existence of the Cascajal block, a small rectangular tablet inscribed with 62 symbols resembling symbols found in Olmec art but otherwise undecipherable. You can read more about it at National Geographic or Mesoweb. However, the writing system of the Cascajal block is very different from that of the Maya, and it is impossible to say if it had any influence on Maya writing at all.
Regardless of when the Maya started to write, the earliest examples of Maya writing date from the Late Preclassic period (300 BCE to 300 CE). In the past, many of these early texts were found on portable objects that have been looted from their archaeological context, and therefore they cannot be dated using radiocarbon dating or other types of physical dating technique. Instead, their age were hypothesized purely on comparing the artistic style of the objects to archaeologically excavated artefacts.
This situation changed recently by major discoveries at the site of San Bartolo, which yielded exquisitely painted murals as well as some of the earliest Maya texts found in their archaeological context. The texts associated with the famous murals date to about 100 BCE, whereas another piece of text, found in another part of the city, date to 300 BCE, making it the oldest securely dated Maya text and one of the earliest texts in Mesoamerica in general. The 300 BCE text can be seen here.
The San Bartolo texts cannot be read because they are quite different from later Maya glyphs (after 250 CE). This is true in general for all Preclassic Maya writing. Even though it is most certainly the same writing system, many of the signs look different and not even the most experienced epigrapher can make much sense of them.
Like later monuments, the theme of this mask is political power. While no dates are inscribed, and most of the glyphs undeciphered, what can be interpreted suggests that the mask records the accession of a ruler by the name of Chan Muan, which is most prominently inscribed to the right of the ruler's figure. These two same glyphs appear again in the text cells C2 and D2, and also conflagrated or merged into a single glyph in cell B6. The glyph in A5 appears to be the lower body and thighs of a sitting man, which in later Maya writing signified "enthronement". So, taking together, the phrase consisting of A5, B5, A6, and B6 together appears to approximately the ascension of Chan Muan to kingship in an unidentified city.
You can also find more information about the beginning of Maya writing in #a @ma_ws#.
The Decipherment of Maya Hieroglyphs
The story really started with Bishop Diego de Landa, who avidly committed to destroy every Maya book that he could find. Ironically, though, when he was composing his Relación de las cosas de Yucatán, he included a very sketchy and rather erroneous "summary" of Maya hieroglyphics. Apparently, he assumed that Mayas wrote with an alphabet, and so he asked his native informants on how to write "a", "b", "c", and so forth, in Maya. The Mayas, on the other hand, heard the syllables "ah", "beh", "seh" (as "a", "b" and "c" would be pronounced in Spanish), and so forth, and naturally gave the glyphs with these phonetic values. So, in a sense, Landa recorded a very small section of the Maya syllabary, and the Mayanist equivalent of the Rosetta Stone.
In a sense, for all Landa did to destroy any traces of Maya writing, he also unwittingly preserved for us the key to rediscovery and decipherment. He, therefore, defeated himself. One point for knowledge and zero for ignorance.
The next step came really when the Maya civilization was rediscovered by John Lloyd Stephens and his talented artist companion Frederick Catherwood in the mid 19th century. Not only were their books bestsellers but also the drawings in them were (and still are) extremely accurate.
No doubt Sir Eric Thompson is one of the greatest Mayanist ever lived. Among his greatest contribution to the field was a systematic catalog of all Maya hieroglyphs. He divided the glyphs into three sets, affixes,main signs, and portraits. The affixes are usually the little squished glyphs while the main signs are usually somewhat square in shape. The portraits are usually heads of humans, gods, or animals, and usually can appear as either affixes or main signs. Thompson gave each one a number, the lowest number going to the most frequent glyph to appear on texts, and higher numbers for less frequent signs. Affixes start at 1 and stops at 500. Main signs go from 501 to 999. And Portraits from 1000 up. You can take a lot at this cataloging by going to Maya Epigraphic Database.
However, Thompson was set in his mind that Maya hieroglyphs were "ideographic", which literally means that each glyph expresses an abstract idea in the human mind. These ideograms were, according to him, the main signs, while the affixes were modifiers of the ideogram (like numbers, verbal endings, plurals, etc). As for phoneticism, he thought that rebus was the major way for the Maya to "spell" something. He considered the Landa's "alphabet" completely wrong.
On the other side of the coin was Yuri Valentinovich Knorozov, who advocated phoneticisms, and saw the key in Landa's work. He was not the first to advocate a phonetic approach to Maya glyphs, though. The great linguist Benjamin Whorf had also tried to "read" Maya glyphs earlier without success, because he took Landa's alphabet as if it really was an alphabet. What set Knorozov apart was that he realized Landa's alphabet was really part of the Maya syllabary, and he succeeded in identifying many of the syllabic glyphs.
As for the content of the texts, Thompson strongly argued for esoteric knowledge like astrology and pointless mathematics. This view was derived from his opinion that the Maya were peaceful astronomy priests. However, evidence soon emerged that the texts recorded something other than Maya science.
The German-Mexican Heinrich Berlin identified a set of glyphs with similar affixes but different main signs. Each of these glyphs appear most frequently in one site, so it is quite possible to assume that each glyph identifies a site. He called these "Emblem Glyphs".
But perhaps the greatest advance was made by Tatiana Proskouriakoff, who took a logical approach to monuments and texts on them. She noticed that stelas come in groups. Many of the recorded dates in a group do not seem to apply to any religious or astronomical events. In fact, the dates on these monuments fit with that of a person's life time. Proskouriakoff therefore theorized that at least some of Classic Maya texts recorded the lifetime of a ruler.
Once the historical approach is opened, myriad of glyphs were identified with events in life, such as birth, accession, death, and so on. In the early seventies, it became possible for the first time to work out dynastic lists of rulers in particular sites. From around the same time, Knorozov's phoneticism became more widely accepted, and further advances in deciphering syllabic signs continued. With these major tools of decipherment in hand, Maya texts started to come to light for the past 20 years. New discoveries continue to come to light, and any paper published six months ago might already be obsolete.

2014年1月26日 星期日

唐僧給孫悟空的信--原來這就是現實啊...

唐僧給孫悟空的信--原來這就是現實啊...


一、唐僧給孫悟空的信
悟空徒兒:
那天正在開會,沒有接你電話。會場有監視器,有些事電話也說不清楚。回想取經路上的艱難困苦,沒有你,為師早被妖怪吃掉變成肥料了。我知道,你是一個

有思想、有魄力的人,現在卻受了這些委屈。西天取經你確實成績突出,這些都屬於過去了。時代在變,光靠本事是不夠的,我們都要與時俱進啊!
四個徒弟中,白龍馬他爹是西海龍王敖剛,標準的「官二代」+「富二代」,取經回來才幾天,就被任命去管理東海。八戒和沙悟淨是下派來掛職鍛煉的,之後就官復原職。

你是從石頭縫裡蹦出來的,沒有背景、 沒有資源,必須靠自己勤奮努力。不要看不起八戒,為人處世上要向他學習。 他現在如魚得水,上層路線走得好,在女幹部中也很有影響力

上次公推優秀年輕幹部,你只得了2票,1票是我投的,另1票是你自己投的吧?八戒得票卻遙遙領先 , 據說嫦娥都給他投票了。形勢變化太快,為師
都感到不適應。老實的沙悟淨也搞了個流沙河房產公司,別墅都建到月亮上去了。現在他和七仙女同居,跟何仙姑也有緋聞,光房子就有幾十套。

悟空啊,務必要搞好上層人際,消除大鬧天宮受過處分的不良影響。你臨時負責花果山風景區管委會工作3年多了,為師也幫你協調過,為什麼一直沒有轉正?原因
要深入分析。克服你的性格缺陷,別老是火眼金睛的,讓人不舒服。還有你這張猴嘴,看不慣的就亂說,必須要改一改!

現在就你還獨身一人,排擠你的人到處造謠說是作風問題。不成家,何以立業?為師覺得白骨精還是不錯的,上次人家還說你身上毛多,是標準的男子漢。不要揪
住別人的過去不放,該考慮一下了。

昨天女兒國國王又催問我結婚的事,我想盡快結了。雖然她沒有蜘蛛精性感,也不如玉兔精清純,可背景過硬,對為師以後交流到主幹線幫助很大。如果蜘蛛精和玉
兔精願意,就做個紅顏知己吧。不說了,說的有點多了。

二、孫悟空給白骨精的信
小白女士:
你好!首先,非常真誠地對你表示歉意,說聲對不起。昨天,師傅給我寫了一封信,我看了一遍又一遍,真正說到了我的痛處,像在我心上挖了一把,讓我一下子醒
悟了。我躺下反省了一夜,現在什麼都想清楚了。活了幾百年,胡打胡鬧,今天什麼都沒有,算是白活了。想起來真的很痛心。師傅雖然虛偽一些,但對我還是實心的,說了
一些推心置腹的話,我從心裡還是感激的。

西天取經,其實都是玉皇、菩薩設下的套。路途並不如我們想像的那樣艱難,本可以派個功夫高一點的神仙,一會兒就取來了。但是,師傅是準備提拔的對象,只是
缺少基層工作經歷,就派下來鍛煉一下,可是又不能讓他自己受罪。於是就讓我和八戒、沙悟淨、白龍馬這些犯了錯誤的人跟上陪練,伺候他。路上的九九八十一難,也都
是菩薩算計好了的。唐僧根本就沒有危險,我們走到哪裡了,觀音菩薩一清二楚,每到要緊時刻,如果我不去找她,她也一定會親自或派弟子來的。蓮花一擺,妖氣全消。

而那些所謂的妖怪,除了像你這樣沒有後台自謀生路的外,其他不是哪個神仙的坐騎,就是哪個菩薩養的金魚。他們手裡都有神仙的獨家武器,我怎麼能打得過他
們?我費了九牛二虎之力,打到關鍵時刻,他們的主人就來了,說悟空啊,讓我帶走吧。我還能說什麼?苦只苦了像你這些沒有任何背景的,終被打得現了原形。

現在,提拔的年齡也過了,也不想那麼多了,就想著找個人成個家,好好過日子得了。 咱們兩是不打不相識。在我認識的女人中,只有你是我最佩服的。雖然你有
姿色,能力也好,但不投靠當官的,不傍大款,憑自己的能力創天下。而且,勤勞勇敢,善良賢惠。

現在回想起來,我還是很喜歡你的。咱們兩人,其實都是性情中人,浪漫,正直,嫉惡如仇。你也老大不小了,轉眼就成剩女了,不如咱們在一起過得了。去你的白
骨洞也行,來我的花果山也好。我們可以依托花果山,發展旅遊,我也可以辦個武術學校,日子總是能過得去的。你有什麼愛好,我都支持。好好培養咱們的孩子,長大了讓
他上最有名的大學,當官,不要再走咱們的老路。 不知可否,我期待著……祝你快樂。

三、白骨精給孫悟空的信
孫先生:
來信收到。謝謝你還記得我,但我不能嫁給你。很抱歉。我不是一個記仇的人,反而在過去還有一些英雄情結。當年你把我打回原形,我就在想,等你從西天取經回來,

我就去找你,然後嫁給你,給你生兒育女,在水簾洞給你洗衣,在花果上給你翻土。其實當年你師父,還有豬八戒沙悟淨都看出我是一個妖精,只是師父裝糊塗睜一隻
眼閉一隻眼,八戒看上我的美色另有打算,沙悟淨膽子小多一事不如少一事。只有你還有些脾氣,也有些正義感,在眾目睽睽下追著打我。那個時候的我,確實該挨打。少不
更事,成天做夢,傷害了一些人。是你把我打醒了,給了我教訓,我得謝謝你。

但是,後來的事情發生了一些變化,我的想法也有了一些改變。你們取經回來,你師父被認為領導有方,決策果斷,被提拔到更高一級的領導崗位。
我現在過得很好。我有自己的別墅,也有自己的車,還有自己的孩子。你也許不知道,你自謀職業回到花果山的那段時間,我在天上人間坐台。後來遇見你師父。
師父每次來都是找我陪他。他給我說他回來後就和女兒國的那位結婚了。他還說他們感情不和,那個女人現在變成了母老虎,天天嘮叨,查電話查聊天記錄。更重要的是,自
從生了孩子以後,那女人突然發福,胖得不成樣子,相當得罪觀眾。

你師父還說,他當年就看上我了 , 只是苦於組織上正在考察自己,不敢冒昧。回來後本來是要來找我的,但那女人的父親和他的上司是世交,不敢得罪。總之 ,
你師父要我跟他,除了名分,什麼都可以給我。後來,我就搬到了你師父給我的別墅裡。你師父還將當年的白馬換成寶馬 ,也送給了我。我雖然知道你師父外面還有女
人,包括蜘蛛精,被他改了檔案,改了年齡,安排在另一個單位搞接待,其中不乏蛛絲馬跡,但是我也沒有辦法。去年我為他生了個兒子,不敢姓唐,後來跟我姓,叫白糖。

孫先生,你不要生氣,也不要鄙視我。跟了你,我雖然有名分,但是沒錢。你也許不知道,我是窮怕了,現在的房子我們是買不起,總不能一輩子住在山洞裡啊。
現在的桃子也值不了幾個錢,一季下來還不如我在天上人間一個晚上賺的錢多 ,以後怎麼生活啊,還要養孩子,還要供孩子上學,想想都覺得太難。現在的人 ,只要你有
錢,都會另眼相看,不問出處, 也不管那錢乾不乾淨。你說你辦武術學校,我看還是算了,你就會點棍術,但你耍不過周傑倫的,人家的雙節棍,那才賺錢。

我只能說,你多保重吧。你要多保重身體,吃桃子要削皮,現在的桃子都有農藥,是洗不乾淨的。據說牛魔王死了,你去看看鐵扇公主,她正在守寡,也許還有希望。
再見,孫先生 。

2014年1月10日 星期五

2014年1月1日 星期三

什么才是好麵包


什么才是好麵包


「好的麵包不用看、不用聞,要用舌頭舔。」王傳仁把方包拿到臉上,伸出舌頭舔了一下:「好麵包,不會刮舌頭,不會有刺刺的感覺。」
他曾被稱為台灣的「麵包教主」,二十多年來曾經在中華榖類研究所、日本洋果子專門學校、德國KOMPLET食品公司等各地研習,除了出版《天然、無添加的手作麵包》,還定期開班教做麵包。他的麵包店在台北舊區萬華,卻賣着無添加的歐洲麵包,每天對着街坊都在做「麵包教育」:「為甚麼一些麵包賣四塊錢,一些賣四十塊?出爐的麵包最好吃……亞洲人對麵包的很多觀念是錯的。」
亞洲人把麵包當點心,喜歡各種各樣甜麵包、花式麵包,可是麵包原本在歐洲是主食,不是直接拿來吃,配着菜餚,太軟太甜都不適合。為了迎合亞洲人的喜好,亞洲的麵包師傅就得挖空心思換花樣,甚至把麵包弄得五顏六色、奇形怪狀,要在最快的時間,生產最多數量、最多款式的麵包,很容易就走離麵包的「正路」。

太香了有香精
王傳仁拿着麵包,站開幾步:「這樣還能聞到香氣,就有問題。」像草莓加入鮮奶麵粉,味道就會變淡,如果做成麵包還能有濃郁的草莓香氣,一定是加了香精。可是麵包出爐不是香滿街嗎?「剛出爐的麵包也不能吃,要放兩小時讓麵包裏的組織穩定下來,再烤熱吃。」他搖搖頭。
要香、要漂亮,猛加人工香精和食素;牛油太貴,改用「氫化」處理過的植物油,不管含有有害的反式脂肪;為了讓麵包鬆軟,不但加小蘇打作為膨鬆劑,更不用正規酵母醱酵,而且還故意烤不熟──「吃下去,口腔會有沾粘的感覺,就可能未熟透,這對腸胃很不好;如吃後感,是口裏比平常吃飯有更多口水,甚至舌頭麻麻的,就是有不該有的化學成份。」王傳仁說。


■王傳仁師傅已經同麵包結緣20年。

■教蛋頭做麵包,王師傅說當中自己也有得着。
包香三層遞進
香港一些麵包連鎖店,連一些被視為「良心小店」的社區麵包店,都不能避免使用添加劑,包括益麵劑、乳化劑、麵粉熟成劑、酸味抑制劑……王傳仁最先開店,也沒有完全避用,是兒子出世,才堅持用天然的方法:「不想兒子食進肚子的東西,我也不想賣給客人。」
商業麵包店很少會像他一般,做了麵糰放一夜宵,成為麵種再加入新做的麵糰;不用人工添加劑,而是用時間去達到應有的效果「麵包香,首先是表皮的焦香,然後是剛咬下去的味道,可是咀嚼完最後留在嘴巴裏的,就是麵種的味道。」他兩年前把這「宵種」方法,教給香港東華三院屬下的「愛烘焙」,上星期剛來港領取「社企摯友」獎狀。
「愛烘焙」的歐式麵包用料豐富,可是比坊間的略為柔軟,就是用了「宵種」。焗出好麵包,還有很多技巧,「愛烘焙」的同事有不同的能力和背景,可能是智力有障礙、曾經患過精神病等等,都得耐着心去培訓。
「很少有主管能忍受花了100%的時間與精力教導後,只得到30%左右的工作回報,而這樣的投資報酬率,要維持很長一段時間才能漸漸稍有改善。」王傳仁很明白,因為他在台灣麵包店裏的徒弟「蛋頭」,也是被歸入「智障」的類別。
「是社工介紹蛋頭來的,我說要試五天才可以看能否留下來。」他說蛋頭本來在餐廳工作,但很多食物都是預先煮好的,沒有多大的發揮空間,但在麵包店,他學到更多,麵糰千變萬化,可以充滿創意。最先王傳仁要蛋頭天天背乘數表,做麵包的技巧也是一遍一遍地教,將近十年下來,蛋頭已經成為店裏最得力的麵包師傅,可以獨力做出好麵包,一般人更看不出蛋頭有任何殘障。
「我當年收蛋頭為徒,也沒想到他會改變我,這些年我的脾氣變好了,因為跟他一起需要耐性,我的麵包,外形也變得簡單,因為複雜的,蛋頭做不來。」王傳仁拿出一塊「微剝」麵包,這是蛋頭做的,每次王傳仁出國,一定會隨身帶着一袋吃。
這「微剝」麵包完全沒有放水,只有用麵粉、雞蛋、牛奶、Cream Cheese等,底部灑上海鹽。吃的時候,可以一片片剝下來,咬下去,柔軟但實在的質地,樸實的奶香,加上一點點鹽粒,好味。

从零开始玩单反-- 各项参数设置-- 有例图-- 很好


从零开始玩单反-- 各项参数设置-- 有例图-- 很好

【从零开始玩单反】相机参数之一:光圈/快门篇~~!
http://bbs.yzxw.com/forum.php?mod=viewthread&tid=16065&fromuid=1201

【从零开始玩单反】相机参数之二:ISO/焦距篇~~!
http://bbs.yzxw.com/forum.php?mod=viewthread&tid=16301&fromuid=1201

【从零开始玩单反】相机参数之三:怎样正确曝光~~!
http://bbs.yzxw.com/forum.php?mod=viewthread&tid=16659&fromuid=1201

【从零开始玩单反】相机参数之四:白平衡设定技巧详解~~!
http://bbs.yzxw.com/forum.php?mod=viewthread&tid=16710&fromuid=1201

【从零开始玩单反】相机参数之五:如何把照片拍清楚 拍出锐利照片的进阶技巧~!
http://bbs.yzxw.com/forum.php?mod=viewthread&tid=16714&fromuid=1201

【从零开始玩单反】相机参数之六:RAW格式详解及其常用软件~~!
http://bbs.yzxw.com/forum.php?mod=viewthread&tid=16858&fromuid=1201

2013年10月15日 星期二

重读金庸《袁崇焕评传》,说说金庸的史学态度


重读金庸《袁崇焕评传》,说说金庸的史学态度

金庸,原名查良镛,浙江海宁人,有“飞雪连天射白鹿,笑书神侠倚碧鸳”等十五部武侠小说传于当世,金庸小说文笔平和流畅,情节引人入胜,对人性的把握更是颇见功力。可以说,本来不登大雅的侠义小说能获得现今雅俗共赏的地位,金庸功莫大焉。
除武侠小说以外,金庸还有一些散文和社论等作品,但在中国大陆,这些作品的影响力都不及其武侠作品。作为普通读者,能阅读到的,更多的是附于其武侠作品之后的东西,如《袁崇焕评传》(附于《碧血剑》之后)、《关于“全真教”》(附于《射雕英雄传》之后)、《三十三剑客图》(附于《侠客行》之后),等等,而其中《袁崇焕评传》(此后简称《袁》)显得很是特别。
优秀的文学作品讲究文以载道,而武侠小说,其实是一种重“阅读体验”而轻“文以载道”的特殊文体。金庸的小说亦是如此,无论故事多么曲折动人,金庸本人只能“站在冷眼旁观的地位”,不做任何评论。《袁》的特别之处就在于这是一篇历史人物评传,是金庸的一次尝试,尝试着“不直接引述别人的话而写历史文字”,在这篇评传里,读者可以直观的看到金庸本人的观点。

第一次看《袁》,是在中学的时候,那时的我,和许多少年一样,迷恋金庸的小说;那时的我,会把包括教科书在内的所有出版物的文字看做真理,看做金科玉律,看做不容辩驳的事实;那时的我,看完《袁》后会捶胸顿足、愤恨不平,恨不能穿越回明末先打崇祯皇帝一个老大耳刮子,然后助袁督师挥兵北进,荡平敌寇,王师所至,义旗所指,匪邦灰飞烟灭。可是……近日重读,我却发现了一些不同的东西,那就是:相较于金庸武侠作品的巨大成就,其研究历史的态度,实在不值得推崇。
读史是枯燥的,史料繁杂,甚至真伪难辨,各专家学者的成果也不尽相同。一个有责任心的研究者必然会综合各种资料学说,用心研究,去伪存真,以求得出公正客观的结论。金庸是小说家,写评传就是有朝学者方向发展的意向,他能否具备这种客观公正的研究态度,窃以为有待商榷。
《袁》全篇将近八万字,引用了大量的明清史料、信件以及其他学者的著述,就史实而言,还算比较详尽。然而,这样一篇史料详尽的评传,初读时,因为其可读性,我仿佛看到了一个高大的悲剧英雄形象,看罢让人义愤填膺、抑郁不平;再读时发现,发现让我“抑郁不平”的文字几乎都来自金庸的评论;继而复读,感觉有点别扭,因为明知道评传中所言未必全部正确,可是偏偏史实俱在,似乎无懈可击。最后又静心通读几遍,终于发现症结所在。
那就是,金庸在创作《袁》的时候,首先是把袁崇焕定位成一个大业未尽的救世主式的悲剧英雄形象,而在评传中所引用的资料,或舍或取;所作出的评论,或褒或贬,皆是为了塑造这一形象而服务的。由此,主观代替了客观,庞杂的史料记载,不过是证明某之观点的工具。所谓“评传”者,其实是“评”与“传”分离的,“传”是讲了一个故事,而“评”,其实是作者观点的肆意发挥罢了。

要塑造袁崇焕这一悲剧英雄,首先要交代袁崇焕所处的时代背景。金庸用了很长的篇幅详解了明清双方的政治经济军事背景,简而言之就是,满清主明臣贤、兵强马壮,明朝君昏臣奸、兵穷将弱、内忧外患。在这里,金庸对明末的几位帝王毫不吝啬贬损之言,即有事实,亦有主观臆测,不过总算还是有些依据的;可是,对满清的吹捧就让人觉得……有点恶心。比如金庸说:“整体说来,清朝比明朝好得多。从清太祖算起的清朝十二个君主,他们的总平均分数和明朝十六个皇帝相比,我以为在数学上简直不能比,因为前者的是相当高的正数,后者是相当高的负数。”要评论一个朝代优良,要从政治、经济、文化、科技、人民生活等多方面考虑,而金庸认为清朝好,仅仅是因为清朝皇帝个人素质高,这样的逻辑实在不怎么高明。而努尔哈赤,被金庸吹捧为“自成吉思汗以来,四百多年中全世界从未出现过的军事天才”,这让明太祖、明成祖情何以堪啊?更无耻的还有:“满洲战士后来打败了俄罗斯帝国的骑兵,打败了尼泊尔的啹喀兵,打败了蒙古兵,打败了朝鲜兵,打败了越南兵,间接打败荷兰兵(郑成功先打败荷兰兵,攻占台湾,满洲兵再打败郑成功的孙子),在十七世纪、十八世纪的两百年中,无敌于天下。”当我看到“间接打败荷兰兵”这句的时候,顿时六神无主、好一阵凌乱,金庸的逻辑水准真的让人很是担心。按此说来,朱元璋和朱棣都曾经北伐蒙古,打败了成吉思汗的后代,这个“四百多年中全世界从未出现过的军事天才”又怎么能轮到努尔哈赤呢?而其他的诸如皇太极“本身的才干见识,不在刘邦、刘秀、李世民、朱元璋之下”云云,实在不说也罢!
其实金庸想说的只有一句话,那就是,明朝内外交困,满清朝气蓬勃。金庸如此胡言乱语,无非就是突出袁崇焕是在何其艰巨的条件下应对辽东战局。

此外,金庸有强烈的扬清抑明情结,说什么“明朝是中国历史上最专制、最腐败、统治者最残暴的朝代”,“明朝当然应该亡,对于中国人民,清朝比明朝好得多”,“清朝比明朝好,只不过中国人运气好,碰到了几个中国历史上最好的皇帝”。
若论专制,明朝又岂能望满清之项背?若论腐败,明末的确是腐败。可是,说到中国历史上最腐败,晚清的腐败程度,恐怕不输于中国历史上任何时候啊!!若说统治者的残暴,统治者的残暴不表示统治就残暴,明朝统治者残暴却大多是对大臣官员残暴,再残暴也不会屠杀本族人民。清朝皇帝的个人素质普遍高于明朝,皇帝不残暴,可皇朝的统治未必不残暴,满清入关后对汉族人民的屠杀,诸如扬州十日、嘉定三屠、四川、江阴、广州等地的大屠杀等等,何其残暴,数百万人死于刀兵,在中国历史上,除了五胡乱华和蒙古灭宋之时,何时有过如此残暴的大屠杀?而至于“中国人运气好,碰到了几个中国历史上最好的皇帝”云云,实在让人哑然,不知道汉代文、景皇帝,隋代文皇帝,明代孝宗皇帝之名,金庸可曾有闻乎?

为了塑造英雄形象,金庸在评论袁崇焕时,宣其功、掩其过,宣扬袁崇焕的英雄气概“在整个人类历史中都是十分罕有的”,这实在是小说家的一厢情愿了。袁崇焕行事操切莽撞,性格上有重大的缺点,屡次战功的背后总有抗上犯忌的影子,正是他的这种性格屡次犯崇祯皇帝忌讳,为自己惹来杀身之祸。金庸说袁崇焕的缺点是“英雄式的惊世骇俗”,不过是以生花妙笔变贬为褒罢了。
袁崇焕字元素,号自如,广东东莞人。文官将兵,守卫山海关及辽东,指挥宁远之战、宁锦之战等,后被崇祯皇帝以擅杀毛文龙、己巳之变护卫不力以及私自与后金议和等罪名正法,处以凌迟之刑。袁崇焕其人,以一孤城独守宁远,可见其勇;身受冤狱仍能以大局为重,招祖大寿回兵退敌,可见其忠;被抄家以后,家无余资,足见其廉。如此之人,在战场上屡有大功,在战场外却又屡犯忌讳,比较为人所诟病的自然是擅杀毛文龙了。虽然毛文龙未必是良善之辈,可是毛文龙的皮岛远在后方,满清无水师不能征讨。清军出征时,毛文龙亦能袭击其后方,清军多次因为后方受扰而班师。毛文龙在皮岛,满清欲攻而不能,如鲠在喉。毛即死,清军后方无忧,不久后果然出兵远征,绕道蒙古,兵临北京城下。袁崇焕贸然杀毛,以致如此后果。退一步说,毛文龙也是一方总兵,军区大元,手持尚方宝剑,就算罪恶滔天,也轮不到袁崇焕来杀。袁崇焕刚刚加兵部尚书,不过是在理论上略高于毛文龙,实际上仍然实掌辽东而已,袁崇焕远去双岛,深入毛文龙地盘,矫诏杀毛,这就好比新任国防部长(实际只直辖两个军区)到南京军区视察,却假托中央军委的名义,把南京军区司令给枪毙了。袁崇焕如此行事,另亲着快、仇者更快。可是这样的重大过错,金庸为了维护袁崇焕的英雄形象,首先强调袁崇焕杀毛文龙的正义性,在《袁》中以大篇幅挑出了毛文龙的毛病,让我这个读者都觉得袁杀毛不异于举义刀而杀贼,为国为民,大快人心。然后施展了“扬功掩过”之妙手,只说他“将毛文龙逮捕,押解北京,交由皇帝去处置,才是合理的方式”,然后推测袁杀毛是出于其“刚强果决”的性格,是为了“整饬军纪”。哈哈,袁崇焕整饬军纪整到大后方双岛上了,“鲁莽蛮横”也成了“刚强果决”,小说家之妙笔令人佩服。

袁崇焕私主议和,虽说利益巨大,可是很犯忌讳。金庸大谈议和利弊,把拒绝议和的崇祯皇帝描述的愚蠢之极,毫不吝啬笔墨为袁崇焕擅主和议百般辩护,一厢情愿的歌颂袁崇焕议和的大智大勇,百般讽刺大明君臣的狂妄自大。但是无论金庸怎么为袁崇焕辩解,有个事实是不能改变的,那就是袁崇焕这个前线的军事将领,在没有得到朝廷许可的情况下和敌人私自议和。放在今天的话,就好比北京军区司令瞒着中央政府、中央军委和敌对国家私自议和。
其实这事还真没必要如此大书特书,袁崇焕是个“广东蛮子”,是个痴汉,议和于时局有利,能为自己争取充足的时间,于是便暂时议和了,其实是为了将来的“战”做准备。当然了,明朝对外是从来都没有议和之说的,身为一方大员的对外姿态当然要与中央保持一致,议和之事不是不可为,而是不当为。平心而论,袁崇焕是个英雄,但是政治敏感度真的不高。

众所周知,袁崇焕蒙冤和皇太极的反间计或多或少有点关系,而关于反间计的最早的记载是在清朝乾隆年间才有的,各种记载还略有出入。有的著作认为反间计是在袁下狱以前施行的,还有的记载是袁下狱以后皇太极才施行了此计,加重了崇祯皇帝的疑心。而在《袁》中,金庸为了突出袁崇焕下狱的悲剧色彩,也为了表现出崇祯皇帝是多么愚蠢和猜忌,便直接采信了“先中反间计,第二天立马下狱袁崇焕”的这一说法。原文为“十一月三十日,皇太极命守者假意疏忽,让杨春逃回北京。杨春将听到的话一五一十的禀报了崇祯。第二天,十二月初一,崇祯召袁崇焕和祖太寿进宫,问不了几句,就喝令将袁崇焕逮捕,囚入御牢。”看到这里,不禁要注意到,金庸引用的是何种史料,于是便看注释,金庸的注释中标明了出处:
据王氏《东华录》天聪三年所载。又据《崇祯长编》二年十二月甲子:“大清兵驻南海子,提督大坝马房太监杨春、王成德为大清兵所获,口称:‘我是万岁爷养马的官儿。’大清兵将杨春等带至德胜门鲍姓等人看守。”
因此,金庸所依据的史料是王氏《东华录》和《崇祯长编》。笔者仔细对比了这两部史料,发现金庸所说和《东华录》的记载相吻合,然而《崇祯长编》的记载确实和《东华录》有很大出入的。据《崇祯长编》的记载,袁崇焕下狱是在十二月辛亥朔(见本文最后的注1),而反间计施行的时间是十二月甲子(见本文最后的注2)。根据我国古代天干地支计日的方法,辛亥朔是初一日,那么甲子就应该是当月十四日,就是说反间计是在袁已经下狱的情况下施行的。这两本资料金庸都加以引用,以金庸之博学和考据功夫,肯定两种记载都会注意到,但却采信了王氏《东华录》的记载,直接无视了《崇祯长编》。所以对金庸而言,取舍之道在于是否于某之观点有所助益,利则取之,不利则舍之,一切皆由主观意愿所定,这种研究历史的态度实在不可取。

以这样过于主观的态度写评传,是否会出现相互矛盾之处呢?那恐怕在所难免,在《袁》中出现过以下两处文字。
文字1:
在袁崇焕死后十三年的崇祯十五年,明朝局势已糜烂不可收拾。洪承畴于所统大军全军覆没后投降满清。松山、锦州失守。崇祯便想和满清议和,以便专心对付李自成、张献忠等民军。兵部尚书陈新甲更明白无力两线作战,暗中与皇帝筹划对满清讲和。崇祯和陈新甲不断商议,朝中其他大臣听到了风声,便纷纷上奏,反对和议。崇祯矢口不认,说根本没有议和的事,你们反对甚么?崇祯每次亲笔写手诏给陈新甲,总是郑重警诫:这是天大机密,千万不可泄漏而让群臣知道了。
该年八月,崇祯派亲信又送一道亲笔诏书去给陈新甲,催他尽快设法和满清议和……
文字2:
然而崇祯的狂妄自大比他哥哥天启更厉害得多,对满清始终坚持“不承认政策”,不承认它有独立自主的资格,决不与它打任何交道

前者中说崇祯皇帝暗中筹划和满清议和,后者却又说崇祯皇帝决不与满清打任何交道,相互矛盾。以金庸之学问,怎会出现如此低级失误?
其实,原因很简单,前者之所以说崇祯皇帝暗中议和之事,旨在说明议和是很犯忌讳的,连皇帝都要顾忌。然后进一步说明袁崇焕是抵抗了多么大的压力、以多么巨大的勇气一力承当议和之事,赞扬袁崇焕“义之所在,虽千万人吾往矣”的“浩然正气”,同情袁“身处嫌疑之地而行举世嫌疑之事,这种精神上的痛苦负担”。金庸文字自述道“当我写到这一段文字时,想到他的耿耿之怀,悠悠之心,忍不住又感到了剧烈的心酸,感到了他英雄性格中巨大的悲壮美,深刻的凄怆意。”其实我想说,袁崇焕议和,不过是因为议和于时局有利,便借议和争取时间,而以袁蛮子一向的莽撞个性和从来不讲政治的行事风格,恐怕根本没有考虑那么多的什么大智大勇、浩然正气,精神上的痛苦恐怕亦未必存在,一切都是金老在书房闭目意淫出来的罢了。

后者说崇祯皇帝决不与满清打任何交道,则是为了说明崇祯皇帝是多么的狂妄自大。

议和,本来是件犯忌的事,金庸,为了证明袁崇焕议和需要抵抗多么大的舆论压力,就把崇祯皇帝暗中议和的事情搬出来,为己所用。而后,当他需要说明崇祯皇帝有多么狂妄自大的时候,却笔锋一转又说崇祯皇帝决不与满清打任何交道,把暗中议和的事情又抛到脑后了。为了证明自己的两种观点,竟然可以煞有介事的引用相互矛盾的事例。由此可见,在面对浩繁史学材料的时候,金老的舍取,究竟又能有几分公正客观呢?恐怕还是“利则取之,不利则舍之”了。

整个评传,洋溢着英雄寂寞、壮士悲歌的基调,虽然所述大多属实,可是言语偏颇之处甚多,功是功,过也是功,还多次把袁崇焕和诸葛亮、岳飞、文天祥作对比,来拔高袁的历史地位,把袁崇焕塑造成了千年不遇的完人。
和金庸一样,阎崇年也把袁崇焕几乎塑造成完人。在百家讲坛讲述《明亡清兴六十年》(也有同名书籍)的时候,袁崇焕有功绩就被百般颂扬,有过失就为他辩护洗白,偏颇之处甚多,其手段和金庸如出一辙,无非就是“取”、“舍”、“扬”、“抑”这四字真经罢了。
金庸和阎崇年都为袁崇焕的事迹深深的震撼了他们的心灵,这的确是很奇怪。我一直在想,我们平常人心底是否都有一种“造神”的潜在意愿?而袁崇焕,有大功于社稷却又蒙冤被杀,百余年后乾隆皇帝又给翻案,整个就是一段传奇故事嘛,又带有悲剧色彩,哪有不被拿来说事的道理?于是不断的有所谓的文化人,研究、考据,然后发现袁崇焕战绩是多么辉煌,理想是多么崇高,救万民于水火,扶大厦之将倾,可偏偏既受忌于君王,又不容于群臣,英雄寂寞,不得善终。最后,告诉大家,袁崇焕是神!至于这尊神的一些软肋,呵呵,不过都是因为神的大智大勇不为当时人所理解而已,神是不会有缺点的。

袁崇焕,一个争议甚大的历史人物,金庸、阎崇年等人认为他是千年不遇的大英雄,《窃明》的作者灰熊猫又几乎认定袁崇焕为卖国贼了。当年明月在《明朝那些事儿》(曾在天涯论坛煮酒论史连载)一书中对袁崇焕做出这样的评价:“袁崇焕绝不是叛徒,也绝不是一个关键性人物,他存在与否,并不能决定明朝的兴衰成败。换句话说,以他的才能,无论怎么折腾,该怎么样还怎么样。”“他并不完美,不守规章,不讲原则,想怎么干就怎么干,私心很重,听话的就提,不听话的就整(或杀)。” “而某些所谓‘专家‘的所谓‘力挽狂澜’,基本就是扯淡。”“他的一生丰富多彩,困守孤城,决死拼杀、遭人排挤、纵横驰骋、身处绝境,人家遇不上的事,他大都遇上了。但无论何时、何地,得意、失意,他一直在努力,他坚信,自己的努力终将改变一切。他始终没有放弃过。”
当年明月的评价,很中肯,但是明显受到各种其他观点的影响,有些过于中庸了。

袁崇焕是个大英雄,勇、忠、严、廉,国之栋梁,用好了可以成为一个活长城。但是性格有些莽撞,对政治极不敏感,这点在普通人来说不算什么,可是对袁崇焕来说这点却是致命的。

    金庸先生写武侠无人能及,可终归是个小说家,不是历史学家。这篇《袁崇焕评传》,不过是金庸先生照着自己写小说的路数,闭目意淫出来了一个带有悲剧色彩的救世主式的千古英雄而已。也就如金庸先生自己说的那样,这篇文字如果有甚么意义,恐怕是在于它的可读性。


注1:
崇禎长编卷之二十九
  崇禎二年十二月
  ○崇禎二年十二月
  崇禎二年十二月辛亥朔免朝
  侯补京卿米万钟以
  大清兵以驻通州十里之外京师尚无侦探移书问兵部侍郎申用懋荅以止闻在蓟不闻在通而庄户蒋玉等四人亲见
  大清兵驻营通州万钟具疏以闻
  以南居益為工部尚书
  以钱春為户部左侍郎督理边餉曹珍康新民為户部右侍郎督理钱法
□督师袁崇焕总兵满桂黑云龙等锦衣卫堂官召对逮督师尚书袁崇焕於狱令总兵满桂总理关寧兵马与祖大寿黑云龙会同马世龙施洪謨等立功

注2:
甲子总理满桂请敕尤世威等恊勦从之
  大清兵驻南海子
  改吴鸣虞為吏部文选司员外
  霸州道周诗弃城逃
  提督大埧马房太监杨春王成德為大清兵所获口称我是万岁爷养马的官儿城中并无兵将亦无粮餉昨日选了一千匹马去了还有一二百废马次日大清兵挑选百餘匹用大清兵将春等带至德胜门鲍姓等人看守闻大清兵与满总兵战得了马二百匹生擒士将一员次日各给书二封一令春向德胜门投逓一令王成德向安定门投逓内言南朝万历时节屡次着王喇嘛讲和总置不理前年袁崇焕杀了我们些人我们恼恨得紧又闻毛文龙掣了臺土兵我们所以提兵到此今要讲和要以黄河為界